Commanding swing from 61.24% share in last general election gives Prime Minister Lawrence Wong the clear mandate he sought
By Lim Yan Liang, The Straits Times, 4 May 2025
Singaporeans have returned the PAP to power with 65.57 per cent of the popular vote, a commanding swing from its 61.24 per cent share in the last general election.
Voters overwhelmingly endorsed the ruling party, which secured 87 of 97 seats in an election that took place against a backdrop of global uncertainty and trade wars.
They gave Prime Minister Lawrence Wong the clear mandate that he had sought, in his first electoral contest as head of government and leader of the PAP.
Constituencies tipped to be fierce battlegrounds – Punggol GRC, Tampines GRC and Jalan Kayu SMC – were in the PAP’s grip by 11pm, when all sample count results were in.
Contests in East Coast GRC and West Coast-Jurong West GRC that were expected to be close also ended in decisive wins for the PAP.
At a press conference at 3am, PM Wong said the clear and strong mandate that Singaporeans have given the PAP was deeply humbling, and called the results “a clear signal of trust, stability and confidence” by Singaporeans in their government.
The immediate next task is to form the Cabinet, and PM Wong said he was grateful that all his key MPs had been voted in, and he could put together the best team to serve Singapore. “I will announce the Cabinet line-up when ready.”
While voters largely heeded PM Wong’s call for a strong PAP team to steer Singapore through coming storms, they also helped the WP retain its 10 seats and strengthen its grip on Sengkang GRC and Hougang SMC.
However, the WP’s call for a more balanced Parliament – and that more opposition MPs would lead to better policies – did not seem to have resonated with voters, as the party failed to make inroads elsewhere.
In Tampines, the only four-cornered fight in this election, the PAP secured 52.02 per cent of the vote against a WP team that garnered 47.37 per cent.
In Punggol, which was a focal point of the hustings after Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong was deployed there, the PAP polled 55.17 per cent to clinch the new GRC against a WP team led by senior counsel Harpreet Singh.
The other opposition parties failed to win any constituencies or send any candidates to Parliament as Non-Constituency MPs.
The PSP failed to convert or retain its two NCMP seats.
Its West Coast-Jurong West team, led by party chairman Tan Cheng Bock and NCMPs Leong Mun Wai and Hazel Poa, polled 39.99 per cent. This was a near-10 percentage point drop in votes from 2020, when the PSP came close to winning then West Coast GRC.
Instead, the “best loser” of this election was the WP’s candidate in Jalan Kayu SMC Andre Low, who took 48.53 per cent of the votes against labour chief Ng Chee Meng. Mr Ng made a successful comeback after losing in Sengkang GRC in the 2020 election.
The second NCMP came from the WP’s Tampines team, which comprises WP vice-chair Faisal Manap, Institute of Mental Health senior principal clinical psychologist Ong Lue Ping, former diplomat Eileen Chong, start-up co-founder Michael Thng and industrial equipment supply firm co-founder Jimmy Tan.
PM Wong said an issue that came up in the election was the desire for more alternative voices in Parliament, and that he respected Singaporeans with these views.
While he understood the sentiments, he urged those who held them to consider the merits of having a strong team in the Government to work effectively for the country.
The WP fielded a strong and young slate that gave the PAP a tough fight in several constituencies, and now have 10 elected seats as well as two NCMP seats, if they choose to accept them, he added.
“That’s an increase from what they have today, so they will have an increased and continued strong presence in Parliament, as well as the opportunity to refresh some of the members in their slate,” he said.
The WP did not hold its customary post-election press conference right away, but party chief Pritam Singh told supporters at Serangoon stadium at about 1am that it was always going to be a difficult election.
“The slate is wiped clean. We start work again tomorrow, and we go again,” he said to cheers.
The PSP’s Mr Leong, who is the party’s chief, said the results were “shocking” and that the party needed to regroup to fight another day.
SDP chairman Paul Tambyah expressed disappointment at his party’s showing, and attributed voters’ flight to safety to “the constant drumbeat of crisis”.
He said the silver lining was Dr Chee Soon Juan’s showing. The SDP chief took 46.81 per cent of votes in Sembawang West against the PAP’s Poh Li San in his best electoral performance to date. This, however, was not enough for the SDP to secure a parliamentary presence.
At the PAP press conference, PM Wong said he heard feedback from Singaporeans on key issues like cost of living and housing, and gave his assurance that the Government will redouble its efforts in the coming term to tackle these concerns.
“We have already started work on many of these issues and progress has been made, but we will work even harder with this mandate now to ensure concrete progress, and to see how we can achieve even better outcomes across all of these issues and on the economic challenges that are coming,” he said.
He also highlighted the mixing of race and religion with politics as an issue that surfaced at the election.
This was not just a matter of foreign interference, as there were also many negative comments by Singaporeans encouraging people to vote along racial lines, he added.
PM Wong said: “I am heartened that all political parties made clear their stance in this campaign to reject identity politics and reaffirm their commitment to multiculturalism, and the election results show that Singaporeans, by and large, reject identity politics and continue to support a multiracial and multi-religious society.”
The PAP had asked Singaporeans to vote for the name on the ballot that could best represent them in Parliament, and that it was not time for political experimentation given external turbulence.
In the end, the people chose stability and continuity over the opposition’s call for greater checks and balances, and gave PM Wong and his 4G team an unequivocal mandate to tackle the coming storms.
At the close of polls at 8pm, there were 2,429,281 votes cast in Singapore, including 42,829 rejected votes. This made up 92.47 per cent of the 2,627,026 registered voters in all contested electoral divisions.
PM Wong said Singapore has always been and continues to be the underdog despite what it has achieved, and must now close ranks to face the challenges ahead together.
“Now that the election is over, we must put aside our differences and stand together as one Team Singapore to confront the storms ahead, and to secure a brighter future for ourselves, our families and Singapore.”
Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong said changes happening to the world are worrying, but that Singapore can come through with cooperation between the PAP and the people.
“With your trust and your full support and cooperation, we will do the best for our families, for our country and for our future,” SM Lee said.
Election results a ‘clear signal of trust, stability and confidence’ in the PAP govt: PM Wong
By Goh Yan Han, The Straits Times, 4 May 2025
The strong mandate that Singaporeans gave the PAP will put the nation in a better position to face the current turbulent world, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong said on May 4.
“It is a clear signal of trust, stability and confidence in your government,” he said, about an hour after the PAP was returned to power, winning a vote share of 65.57 per cent.
PM Wong pointed out that many were watching the election closely. These included international media, investors and foreign governments.
The results show a “clear and strong” mandate, he noted, adding that the PAP had improved on its 2020 vote share by 4 percentage points.
“My team and I gave it our all in this campaign, and I am deeply humbled and grateful for the results,” said PM Wong, adding that he was satisfied with the outcome of the elections.
It takes place at a critical time for Singapore, said the Prime Minister, who helmed a 3am press conference held at The Treasury after the official results were out.
“It is a changed world – not just an economic slowdown, but fundamental shifts in the international order,” he said.
Singaporeans can draw strength from the results and look ahead to their future with confidence, said PM Wong. This is his first election as prime minister and secretary-general of the PAP.
“To all Singaporeans, I say the results will motivate us to work even harder for you. We will do our best to serve you and improve your lives,” he said.
The party clinched 82 of the 92 contested seats, winning in all constituencies in which it was the incumbent. The opposition WP claimed the 10 remaining seats in Aljunied, Sengkang and Hougang.
PM Wong said his immediate task is to form his next Cabinet, which will be announced when ready.
When asked about his considerations when selecting members of his Cabinet, he said he would look at how best to assign the right responsibilities to the individuals based on their strengths and contributions.
“I’m grateful that all my key members have been voted in, and Singaporeans have now given me the chance to put together the best team to serve you and to serve Singapore,” he said.
They include Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong, who was a central figure in the hustings after his Nomination Day switch from Chua Chu Kang GRC to Punggol GRC.
During the hustings, PM Wong had called him his “right-hand man” and also christened him “task force man”.
PM Wong said his choice to move DPM Gan to Punggol showed the residents there that he was taking them seriously.
“I’m not just putting in a new person to take over, but I am treating their needs seriously,” he said.
DPM Gan’s team in Punggol beat a WP team of newcomers led by Senior Counsel Harpreet Singh with 55.17 per cent of the vote.
Asked if this was his toughest election yet, DPM Gan said that every election is tough, and he always treated his opponents with great respect.
“I always feel that every battle is worth fighting, because it is not just a battle against opposition, but it is also an opportunity for me to engage my residents, to reach out to my residents, to refresh the trust that I have with (them),” he said.
PM Wong reminded all the newly elected PAP MPs that the mandate they have received is a “heavy responsibility”.
They will have to take good care of their constituencies, engage residents and build deep relationships with them, bring forward their voices in Parliament, as well as advocate and champion causes that matter to them, he said.
PM Wong also reflected on the concerns that had been raised throughout the hustings.
Singaporeans have given feedback on the cost of living and housing, he noted.
“We have been working on these issues, and I assure you, we will redouble our efforts in the coming term to tackle these issues of concern,” he said.
“My team and I will use this mandate to serve with humility and responsibility. We will serve all Singaporeans, whether you voted for the PAP or you voted for another party – everyone matters. We will serve all of you. We will do our utmost to improve your lives.”
He added that the PAP government will learn from this election and reflect, improve and strive to do better.
It will also involve Singaporeans in this journey, he said.
He reiterated his message during the campaign – that the real contest facing Singapore is not between the PAP and the opposition, but between Singapore and the world.
Singaporeans must put aside their differences and stand together as one team now that the election is over, he said.
“To improve our chances, we cannot afford to fight one another. We have to fight together to achieve better outcomes for Singapore and Singaporeans,” he added.
On whether the election result showed a “flight to safety” mindset among Singaporeans, PM Wong pointed to the general election in 2020, when people had talked about the same possibility.
“Yet that didn’t quite materialise, or it didn’t unfold as many would have predicted. So these are things you can never predict,” he said.
During the campaign, he had emphasised that the world had changed, and that to tackle and overcome the challenges ahead, he would need a good and strong team.
The results show that Singaporeans understood the message, said PM Wong.
He was flanked by DPM Gan and Mr Chan Chun Sing at the press conference.
Other members of his Cabinet, including Ms Grace Fu, Mr K. Shanmugam, Mr Desmond Lee, Mr Masagos Zulkifli and Mr Ong Ye Kung, were also present. The PAP’s Aljunied GRC team leader Chan Hui Yuh was also there.
GE2025: Election results show Singaporeans reject identity politics, says PM Wong
By Lim Min Zhang, The Straits Times, 4 May 2025
The results of the general election show that Singaporeans by and large reject identity politics and continue to support a multiracial and multi-religious society, said Prime Minister Lawrence Wong.
Speaking at a 3am post-election press conference on May 4, PM Wong noted that the mixing of race and religion with politics was an issue that came up during the campaign.
Midway through the hustings, on April 25, the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Elections Department announced the blocking of Facebook posts by several foreigners who had attempted to influence Singapore’s elections, including by endorsing an opposition candidate.
PM Wong said the matter was not just about foreign interference, because there were many negative and even toxic comments online that encouraged people to vote along racial lines.
“I had to call it out in the middle of the campaign, because this was such an important matter,” he said.
PM Wong had on April 26 called a press conference to ask all political parties to clarify their stance on two fundamental principles: that identity politics has no place in Singapore, and that religion and politics should not mix.
WP chief Pritam Singh, for one, responded to reporters’ questions on this issue, by saying on April 26 that every candidate has to represent all Singaporeans equally and fairly in a multiracial society.
On May 4, PM Wong said the situation did improve after he highlighted the issue publicly.
But there were still views and comments online – some quite vicious – and they will continue to circulate, he said.
“But I am heartened that all political parties made clear their stance in this campaign to reject identity politics and reaffirm their commitment to multiculturalism, and the election results show that Singaporeans by and large reject identity politics and continue to support a multiracial and multi-religious society.”
To all communities in Singapore, PM Wong said the Government will continue to look after their interests, support their aspirations, and ensure that they are able to flourish and thrive in a multiracial and multi-religious society.
“This is my commitment to every community and to every Singaporean.”
GE2025: Trump fears, unrivalled ‘ground game’ hand PAP the mandate it wanted
By Bhavan Jaipragas, The Straits Times, 4 May 2025
Mr Donald Trump’s chaotic presidency has wreaked havoc on global governance since he took office – but this week, three incumbent governments are quietly grateful for how he focused their voters’ minds.
Among them: Singapore’s PAP, led by Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, who pitched himself and his lieutenants as the steady hands needed for uncertain times. Voters listened intently. Such has been the torrent of chaotic headlines emanating from Washington that, like their Canadian and Australian counterparts, Singaporeans opted for the familiar party they felt they could repose their trust in.
The message – that now is not the time for political experimentation – resonated powerfully, materialising in election results best characterised as total dominance for the PAP.
The magnitude of victory bears no resemblance to some forecasts that this election would mark a watershed moment in Singapore’s political evolution, with voters embracing the opposition’s argument that stronger parliamentary representation serves the national interest.
Instead, we witness PM Wong, for whom this vote constituted a referendum on his leadership style and Forward Singapore agenda, securing a mandate comparable with the 69.9 per cent achieved in 2015 – when national mourning following founding prime minister Lee Kuan Yew’s passing briefly unified the electorate.
Save for battles with the Workers’ Party and Singapore Democratic Party chief Chee Soon Juan’s surprisingly robust performance against the PAP’s Ms Poh Li San in Sembawang West SMC, the outcome was overwhelming. Lesser-known parties, even the more established ones like the Progress Singapore Party, received a drubbing they must have scarcely expected.
To be clear, the country didn’t forsake its second-biggest political force, the WP.
The party’s respectable showing – retaining its existing 10 seats while mounting credible challenges elsewhere – demonstrated enduring support for opposition voices.
The WP will also have two new NCMPs in Parliament, with Jalan Kayu SMC candidate Andre Low and a candidate from Tampines GRC to be offered the two available NCMP seats.
Nuance in Trump effect
Naturally, Mr Trump’s influence manifested differently across these three contests. In Canada, the chaos turned the contest on its head as Mr Trump took to directly threatening and trying to bully his country’s closest neighbour.
Voters backed Mr Mark Carney’s seasoned financial expertise and approved of the way he stood up to Mr Trump. In contrast, challenger Pierre Poilievre, whose party enjoyed a 27-point polling lead before the Trump tornado hit, saw this advantage evaporate and even ended up losing his own seat.
Australia chose Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s proven experience over the untested Peter Dutton, who also lost his seat in the process.
In Singapore’s case, Mr Trump’s threat to the world order made voters reflect soberly on the choices before them, though crediting him for the PAP’s crushing victory would be stretching it.
As PAP activists put it to this columnist, the strong results must be attributed mainly to continued efforts to work the ground – elections here, they say, are won through addressing constituents’ daily concerns, and establishing reputations as consistent deliverers on municipal matters, not merely orators.
One example offered was the PAP’s Mr Liang Eng Hwa, whose “ground game” in Bukit Panjang SMC includes greeting residents at bus stops early in the morning, and a $1 meal initiative lampooned by his opponent, SDP’s Dr Paul Tambyah, during the hustings, but which is immensely popular.
While consistent municipal performance laid the groundwork, Mr Trump’s tumult likely enhanced the vote share.
The PAP’s campaign formula – framing PM Wong and his Covid-veteran lieutenants like “Task Force Man”, Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong, as steady hands for turbulent times – proved, in retrospect, masterfully executed.
The PAP laser-focused on middle-class worries: living costs, housing, and defending its GST approach against opposition attacks. PM Wong embodied this relentless consistency, hammering these economic themes from rallies to doorstop remarks, to his sole campaign interview on the Yah Lah But podcast.
While the issue of foreign interference and questions of whether race and religion were being brought into politics were also discussed, it was the PAP’s economic messaging that struck deepest, cementing this landslide mandate.
Two-party system?
The results also bear scrutiny from the opposition’s standpoint. If there was any doubt that the Singaporean voter is savvy and sophisticated, just look at the poorest performers.
The National Solidarity Party, with a frankly indiscernible platform, and the People’s Alliance for Reform led by Mr Lim Tean – discernible, but mainly for its insularity – were given severe indictments.
The Progress Singapore Party, too, middling in campaigning and messaging, received a drubbing that all but confirms its 2020 performance was a flash in the pan. The party may blame the redrawing of boundaries in the old West Coast GRC for its poor performance – and that is fair enough, perhaps – but still, it severely underperformed. The others, Red Dot United, Singapore People’s Party and their ilk, barely made a splash.
Naturally, the WP will be disappointed. Having drawn tens of thousands to rallies, and fielding candidates who seemed, on paper, close to the calibre of the median PAP candidate, it could not secure the breakthrough it had hoped for.
When this columnist asked WP chief Pritam Singh on the last day of campaigning what would constitute success, he said it was too hard to tell – that the ground was hard to read, and that ultimately the party would accept the people’s verdict.
With its number of elected MPs unchanged at 10, its share of elected parliamentary seats will dip in the new 97-seat Parliament to 10.3 per cent, from 10.8 per cent in the last 93-seat legislature.
Yet the big result for the WP this time is winning Sengkang GRC again. That essentially means it has incumbency status in two GRCs, along with Hougang which former leader Low Thia Khiang first won in 1992 – the seat party stalwarts during rallies branded as Singapore’s “beacon of democracy”.
It means the party is now decisively the second-biggest political force in the country, with a solid base. Talk of an “opposition wipeout”, absent this time, will be history from now on. And it can and should continue building out what it hopes to be, which is not without resonance among many Singaporeans, even PAP-leaning ones: a respectable, responsible opposition that is a force for good, rather than obstructionist.
‘Never settle’ ethos
In the coming days and weeks, all eyes will turn to how the PAP and PM Wong interpret this resounding mandate – and how they wield it.
They’ve already identified what they see as urgent business: with the Trumpian upending showing no signs of abating, intensified trade negotiations loom with our closest neighbours, along with strengthening FTA networks farther afield. Maintaining Singapore’s position with the most comprehensive web of trade agreements remains critical in an increasingly fragmented global economy.
At home, one assumes the Prime Minister’s signature Forward Singapore initiative to boost the country’s social compact will not just continue but intensify – tackling income disparity, bridging class divides and reinforcing our multiracial foundation.
National unity, touted as Singapore’s ultimate weapon, will continue to be vital in the years to come. The PAP, five years from equalling Mexico’s PRI for having 71 years of uninterrupted rule, needs no reminder that a strong mandate must never breed complacency. The desire to hear new voices is real, and more must be encouraged to get involved in civic life.
It is indeed a chance to entrench in Singapore the ethos PM Wong articulated in his swearing-in speech in 2024 – that this Republic must “never settle for status quo”, and should always “seek better ways to make tomorrow better than today”.
GE2025: Unwavering, steady messaging pays off for PM Lawrence Wong and PAP
By Linette Lai, The Straits Times, 4 May 2025
Historically, the PAP’s national vote share dips after a new prime minister takes office, but Prime Minister Lawrence Wong reversed the trend by securing a clear – and unexpected – mandate of 65.57 per cent on May 3.
When Mr Lee Hsien Loong led the PAP into battle for the first time in 2006, the party’s vote share slipped nearly 9 percentage points, even if it was from the anomalous result of the 2001 polls, called weeks after the Sept 11, 2001 terror attacks in America.
The PAP vote share also fell in 1991, which was Mr Goh Chok Tong’s first general election as prime minister.
In contrast, in 2025, PM Wong improved on the ruling party’s 2020 vote share of 61.23 per cent.
What explains the electorate’s huge swing in the PAP’s favour this year?
Part of the answer lies in the PAP’s characterisation of what was at stake. Throughout the nine-day campaign, PM Wong remained unwavering in his appeal: Vote for us to give Singapore its best shot at navigating a turbulent world.
His steady, consistent messaging set the tone. Rather than being forced to debunk opposition narratives – as it had in 2020 with the WP’s successful call for “no blank cheque” – the PAP seized the initiative from the beginning and never let go.
During the hustings, the WP repeatedly questioned Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong’s value to the PAP’s leadership team. But the ruling party’s performance in Punggol GRC, where Mr Gan won with 55.17 per cent of the vote, shows that these attempts to undermine the PAP’s narrative did not quite stick.
Even so, the PAP’s message would have resonated with the discerning Singaporean electorate only if voters believed the ruling party could deliver on its promises in a crisis.
Some voters may have had on their minds the PAP’s track record during the Covid-19 pandemic when they went to the ballot box.
During the election campaign, opposition parties hit out at what they framed as the PAP’s biggest missteps in the past term of government. The goods and services tax hike, which the opposition said contributed to higher living costs, and public housing affordability, were among them.
These concerns resonated with many Singaporeans, but in acknowledging these issues and taking steps to fix them, the PAP could have blunted the edge of voter dissatisfaction and shown that it is not impervious to constructive feedback.
Significant policy moves made in the past five years include a new classification system for Build-To-Order flats aimed at keeping public housing affordable and the system fair for all.
More help is on the way for young parents, with the total amount of government-paid parental leave going up to 30 weeks by April 1, 2026.
PM Wong, who is also Finance Minister, rolled out extensive Budget measures in recent years to soften the bite of higher prices.
And the ruling party has indicated its willingness to break new ground, for instance, in studying the possibility of using nuclear power as an energy source.
There remain questions to be answered on many issues but the PAP’s responsiveness and moves to give ordinary citizens an avenue to give input on policy priorities appears to have paid off at the polls.
The essence of the fourth-generation leadership’s approach is captured by its 2023 Forward Singapore report – a blueprint for the next phase of Singapore’s growth drawn up after consultations with more than 200,000 citizens.
The exercise showed how the PAP government was making more of an effort to move away from its traditional top-down approach – often criticised for being inflexible and out of step with concerns on the ground.
Another point that may have counted in the PAP’s favour is that it ran a relatively clean campaign.
Two incidents that emerged in the past term of government – the conviction of WP chief Pritam Singh for lying to a parliamentary committee, as well as an extramarital affair between two former WP members – received a thorough airing at the time.
Pundits speculated that both incidents could hurt the WP at the polls.
But the PAP raised neither issue and stayed its hand from launching a smear campaign.
Instead, it hit the opposition on policy matters and stuck to its core message of building a strong team for a good government.
Even so, the razor-thin margin in Jalan Kayu suggests that voters were sending the ruling party a message: It is not just about the party symbol – who you field matters.
In Jalan Kayu, labour chief Ng Chee Meng, 56, fought his third electoral battle – his first time contesting a single seat – and went up against WP candidate Andre Low, a 33-year-old political rookie.
Yet, it was not the gap in age or experience that dominated the battle for Jalan Kayu. Instead, the aborted sale of NTUC’s Income Insurance to German insurer Allianz in 2024 took centre stage.
During the campaign, the WP raised questions about how Mr Ng and the PAP government handled the deal. In its view, the Income-Allianz deal – which ultimately fell through – hinted at a more fundamental problem: tripartism in Singapore and the symbiotic relationship between the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) and PAP.
Mr Ng took the view that NTUC first believed the deal to be reasonable, given the need to strengthen Income against falling market share, but added that it has humbly acknowledged the public feedback, and will “learn the right lessons” from the incident.
The close fight in Jalan Kayu shows that voters were not entirely satisfied with the answers offered, and placed a premium on accountability.
For the PAP to successfully beat back a renewed challenge from the opposition – which is sure to come in the next general election – it will be imperative that it tackles such issues better.
GE2025: Results signal voters’ trust in PAP to steer Singapore through uncertainty, say analysts
By Anjali Raguraman and Vanessa Paige Chelvan, The Straits Times, 4 May 2025
The PAP’s resounding victory at the 2025 General Election reflects voters’ trust in the ability of Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and his party to steer the country through the brewing global turmoil, political analysts said.
The PAP’s landslide victory, in which it won 87 of 97 seats, or 65.57 per cent of the vote share, was an overall flight to safety informed by the Government’s track record over the past five years, including its handling of the Covid-19 crisis, analysts added.
“It is a critical GE because the PAP is (in the midst of) a leadership change, and the voters have shown they support the new PM and the 4G PAP team to be the government to steer us into the future,” said former PAP MP Inderjit Singh.
The results also showed that even as voters become more receptive to political pluralism, some opposition parties are struggling to stay relevant to voters, experts said.
The WP has solidified its standing as the dominant opposition party in Singapore.
In addition to retaining its 10 seats in Aljunied and Sengkang GRCs and Hougang SMC, the WP will get both Non-Constituency MP seats, as the “best losers” this general election in Tampines GRC and Jalan Kayu SMC.
Meanwhile, the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) has outpaced the PSP’s performance, while smaller parties faced a “wipeout”, losing by such large margins that some candidates are set to lose their deposits.
With two parties in Parliament, this shows that “Singapore is settling into a ‘one-and-a-half party’ system”, said Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) senior research fellow Gillian Koh.
“This has been an excellent first outing for Mr Lawrence Wong as the new secretary-general of the PAP and incumbent prime minister,” said Dr Koh, who pointed out that PM Wong’s predecessors had “more challenging” maiden campaigns.
For instance, Mr Goh Chok Tong saw his party concede four seats to the opposition in his first campaign in 1991, while Mr Lee Hsien Loong saw an 8.7 percentage point dip for the PAP in 2006.
This election, the PAP also saw historically high vote share margins in certain areas.
Three constituencies were secured with margins over 80 per cent: Tanjong Pagar GRC (81.03 per cent), Queenstown SMC (81.12 per cent) and Jurong Central SMC (80.51 per cent).
The results point to Singaporean voters’ need for stability and security at a time when the “global order that Singapore has thrived under is being upended”, said Associate Professor Eugene Tan, a political analyst and law don at the Singapore Management University.
IPS Social Lab research fellow Teo Kay Key, agreed, saying: “Worries about cost of living and global uncertainty likely led to voters wanting to ensure that the ministers who are in charge of these task forces and relevant ministries continue to work for Singapore in these capacities, thus voting in that direction, overwhelmingly in some cases.”
But other external factors may also have contributed to voters’ perception of the PAP as being a safe choice, noted Professor Terence Ho, adjunct associate professor in practice at the NUS Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy.
He cited the Government’s handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, PAP MPs’ work on the ground in the past five years, as well as the national vision communicated by PM Wong’s 4G leadership team through the Forward Singapore exercise as factors that worked in the incumbent’s favour.
The PAP also ran a disciplined campaign, said Prof Tan. “They were not unduly defensive and also kept their focus on their key campaign messages.”
Strategically, the PAP also made some good moves, such as fielding DPM Gan Kim Yong in the newly-formed Punggol GRC, said Mr Singh.
This was despite several swaps of anchor ministers, IPS’ Dr Koh noted, pointing to DPM Gan’s eleventh-hour move to Punggol GRC. Manpower Minister Tan See Leng was moved to Chua Chu Kang GRC to take on DPM Gan’s post.
In Punggol, the PAP team led by DPM Gan eventually beat a team of first-time candidates from the Workers’ Party, taking 55.17 per cent of the vote.
“It was a great strategy, as voters feared losing an important team member for PM Wong, and swing voters came back to the PAP. I expected a narrow win for PAP and that happened,” said Mr Singh.
He said that the ruling party learned from its previous mistake – Sengkang GRC in GE2020 – where it “fielded a weak team not anchored by a heavyweight minister”. The WP team won with 52.12 per cent against the PAP. “They learned and brought a heavyweight this time,” Mr Singh added.
Notably, the ruling party’s vote share saw vast improvements where it faced smaller opposition parties, Dr Koh said.
“That we have a record number of candidates losing their deposits is revealing,” added SMU’s Prof Tan. “Far too many opposition parties are increasingly irrelevant, even as voters are more receptive to greater political pluralism and competition.”
Two candidates from the People’s Alliance for Reform (PAR) will lose their deposits, after polling less than 12.5 per cent of the vote. In Potong Pasir SMC, PAR secretary-general Lim Tean secured 8.35 per cent of the vote. Over in Radin Mas SMC, Mr Kumar Appavoo secured 7.36 per cent of the vote.
Two teams from the National Solidarity Party (NSP) that contested Sembawang GRC and Tampines GRC will also lose their deposits. The party secured 2.32 per cent of the vote in Sembawang, and 0.18 per cent in Tampines, where there was a four-cornered fight.
Candidates from the People’s Power Party (PPP) will likewise lose their deposits after doing poorly in Ang Mo Kio and Tampines GRCs, as will the Singapore United Party’s team in Ang Mo Kio GRC.
On what is next for the WP, Mr Singh said the party must focus on winning more seats in the next general election, as it did not make any inroads this time. It could also aspire to go beyond being a check and balance on the Government.
In the short term, the party must field enough candidates to deny the PAP a supermajority in Parliament, he added. That would require WP fielding at least 33 candidates. In GE2025, the WP fielded 26 candidates in eight constituencies.
“WP made a strategic error by spreading thin their good candidates,” he said. “Had they put their star catches in one GRC, they might have won.”
WP’s vice-chairman and former Aljunied GRC MP Faisal Manap moved to helm WP’s team in Tampines GRC, while new face senior counsel Harpreet Singh, widely considered WP’s star catch, contested Punggol GRC.
Prof Ho said that while WP has clearly distinguished itself from the other opposition parties, it “might have performed even better had they reinforced their teams in (Punggol and Tampines) with other party heavyweights”.
Mr Singh said in the long term, “they need to... start talking about being a future government”.
Singapore is close to a two-party system, and if the WP can strengthen themselves, “all other (opposition) parties will not be taken seriously”, he added.
Inside the PAP’s GE2025 playbook – and why rivals should take notes
Seeking to salve the sting of defeat is understandable, but opposition-leaning voices should closely study why the PAP’s GE2025 strategy worked.
By Bhavan Jaipragas, The Straits Times, 8 May 2025
Victory has a thousand fathers, as they say, while defeat is an orphan.
Yet for Singapore’s ruling PAP, one of the world’s most successful political parties, such is its reality that even when a strong win materialises, there is every chance it is dismissed as not that big a deal. Why praise the political equivalent of a serial championship-winning team for securing another trophy?
Hence the curious commentary among pockets of the political intelligentsia over the past week suggesting that the 65.57 per cent mandate Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and his party secured, while stemming further Workers’ Party inroads, was somehow overhyped – merely to be expected, a “status quo result”.
Commentators advancing this argument claim the vote share increase stemmed mainly from the weakness of most opposition parties bar the WP, rather than any genuine fillip for the PAP – let alone constituting a landslide.
But this reasoning rings peculiarly inconsistent: Wasn’t the 2015 election, unanimously accepted as the last major PAP landslide, also contested against similarly weak political parties across the board, bar the WP?
Those high barometers of recent electoral success that such analysis typically venerates – including the regular high-margin victories of former PAP stalwart and current President Tharman Shanmugaratnam – were likewise secured against weak opponents. Are these, too, suddenly unimpressive?
This is all the more notable considering the PAP entered GE2025 carrying substantial baggage: widespread concerns about living costs and a troubled electoral term marked by unprecedented incidents – the first-ever imprisonment of a former Cabinet minister and the dual resignations of both the House Speaker and an MP following revelations of their extramarital affair.
The issue here is that, amid the flood of post-election analysis, some commentary appears self-serving, deliberately downplaying the results. Yet if the intention is to advance the opposition’s cause or salve the sting of defeat, such an approach is counterproductive. Study, instead, why the PAP won so handily: lessons from an opponent’s success remain valuable lessons nonetheless.
This isn’t about declaring the behemoth is indeed a behemoth, and certainly the PAP does not need external validation – that is not the point here. Rather, it’s about the opposition and their adjacent commentators developing a clear-eyed assessment of voter priorities and effective campaign strategies demonstrated in this election.
Building goodwill
At this stage, two factors behind the PAP’s strong mandate are familiar: global jitters – read: Hurricane Trump – and a year-round ground game.
The ground game aspect is somewhat downplayed in commentaries, written off as mere “machine politics” that comes with the PAP’s size, access to resources and 66-year incumbency.
But this misses a crucial insight: day-to-day work helping residents, treating municipal issues not as mundane or trivial parts of an MP’s job but as important priorities, and building strong connections with constituents creates electoral support. MPs who establish themselves as familiar faces rather than distant figures requiring deference accumulate the goodwill that translates into votes at the ballot box.
The PAP has long understood this, with present-day MPs like Mr Liang Eng Hwa, Ms Tin Pei Ling, Mr Baey Yam Keng and Ms Denise Phua, among others, making their names as grassroots MPs through such service.
WP MPs clearly recognise this too, evident in how frequently they highlighted municipal-level work and estate upgrading plans in their rallies, even while pressing home their primary message about offering a balance to PAP dominance in parliament.
Former PAP MP Inderjit Singh tells me he saw conscientious and consistent grassroots work, as well as efforts to upgrade estate environment, as crucial to maintaining voter support.
Singaporeans essentially want problem-solvers as their MPs, whether at the municipal level or for those with more granular personal issues.
“It goes a long way in building goodwill and support... grassroots work is an important issue that many ignore,” Mr Singh told me. He emphasised that it is not just national issues that matter to voters.
One of the first polls on the elections, released this week by Blackbox Research, confirms this view, noting that respondents indicated that the PAP had a “decisive advantage” when it came to ground campaigning and policies.
This poll, conducted on April 29 and 30 with 500 Singaporeans representative of national demographics, revealed that the PAP enjoyed a 16 percentage-point advantage over the WP in local campaigning effectiveness.
Blackbox’s founder, Mr David Black, told me the ground game proved “all important” for the PAP this time – especially since the ruling party hadn’t fully deployed its well-oiled machinery during the 2020 pandemic-restricted polls.
This time, the PAP made that advantage count. Municipal and national upgrading programmes, like the long-running Estate Upgrading Programme, designed to enhance older private estates, resonated significantly with voters.
As Mr Black, a long-time observer of Singapore elections, noted: “You see MPs talking about these constantly in their outreach to residents.”
Leaving nothing to chance
Beyond year-round grassroots work, the nine-day hustings showed that one slogan will not carry a campaign. You need a supporting storyline to plug the gaps – and both the delivery and the messenger matter.
The Blackbox poll offers some insight into how this played out, and how the PAP achieved its objectives despite certain chinks in its armour.
The poll showed that the opposition’s central message that Singapore needed checks and balances in Parliament actually struck a chord with voters, and 56 per cent of respondents said they agreed with it compared with the 44 per cent who supported the PAP’s central message that voters needed to keep the ruling party strong amid uncertainty in a changing world.
But the PAP, seeming to recognise this vulnerability, shrewdly augmented its primary message with another: that voters should stick with the ruling party, whose track record they knew so well. That Brand PAP was tried and tested. This leave-nothing-to-chance approach was then coupled with the strategic deployment of politicians with the deepest political capital, PM Wong and Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong, in the at-risk constituencies of Punggol and Tampines GRCs.
While the extent of SM Lee’s involvement in campaigning, especially in the second half of the nine-day period, raised eyebrows – with some questioning why a former prime minister was so extensively involved – Mr Black noted that the use of “heavy artillery” in marginal seat campaigns around the world was commonplace.
Mr Lee and Mr Wong conducted walkabouts in both constituencies and held rallies there on the last day – Mr Wong at Punggol and Mr Lee in Tampines – pressing home the PAP’s central messages.
Mr Black said the polling clearly showed that SM Lee “was pivotal during the last days, and he impressed voters during the campaign”.
There is an argument to be made here, then, that having the superior narrative alone is not enough. Good arguments also need heavy hitters to land their punch – a lesson the PAP clearly understood in its strategic deployment of its most formidable campaigners.
As Mr Black put it to me, the opposition’s political balance message was “highly salient and registering, especially with male voters. But this did not impact voting intention”. He likened the trend to store browsing without buying.
Said the veteran pollster: “Ultimately, you have to make it meaningful and give people a compelling reason to switch. Either you find the current model no longer any good, or you show how much better your product is. Neither was the case this time.”
GE2025’s resounding message
None of this is to say that the PAP’s strategy was flawless, or that the opposition, principally the WP, was fundamentally flawed.
It would be remiss here not to acknowledge opposition parties’ consistent assertions about structural impediments they face: among them, the short lead time between Electoral Boundaries Review Committee reports and election writs, perceived opacity in the EBRC’s deliberations, and the People’s Association’s role bolstering the PAP’s retail politics advantage.
The PAP naturally rejects any notion of an uneven playing field. Yet while navigating these challenges, opposition parties might benefit from studying what resonates with Singaporean voters.
Looking at how the PAP succeeds, rather than attributing the ruling party’s wins solely to structural advantages, could offer valuable insights. And the commentariat? For the most cynical elements, a touch more curiosity about the mechanics of victory would serve better than predictable dismissals of the PAP’s electoral strength.
The evidence suggests consistent grassroots engagement throughout the electoral cycle yields dividends for any political entity. Those who can demonstrate tangible problem-solving abilities and articulate compelling visions will see voters value them. That is this election’s most resounding message.
Staying on message and away from ‘knuckleduster politics’ pays off at polls for the PAP
By Ng Wei Kai and Goh Yan Han, The Straits Times, 10 May 2025
A disciplined campaign focused on the core issues and the absence of hardline tactics were key reasons behind the resounding mandate that the PAP received on May 3.
The ruling party also harvested the fruits of groundwork over the past five years and efforts to assuage voters’ concerns on matters such as the cost of living, while tailoring its campaign with constituency-specific plans for different towns.
These decisions helped deliver 65.57 per cent of the vote to Prime Minister Lawrence Wong in his first election as head of government and secretary-general of the PAP, and cemented his leadership of party and country.
The ruling party won 87 out of 97 seats in the next term of Parliament, and improved on 61.24 per cent of the popular vote at the 2020 General Election.
Drumming home the fundamentals
Fronted by PM Wong, the PAP’s campaign had a consistent message that was reiterated every day at rallies across the island – from Choa Chu Kang and Sembawang to Punggol and Sengkang – as well as at the lunchtime Fullerton rally and May Day Rally.
This was: that a strong government led by the PAP is necessary to meet the challenges of a changed world, and that going with the team with a proven track record would give the Republic the best chance of continuing to succeed.
PM Wong was reinforced on the key themes by Senior Ministers Lee Hsien Loong and Teo Chee Hean, noted Institute of Policy Studies senior research fellow Gillian Koh.
This included articulating the PAP’s thinking on key issues like multiracialism and job creation, as well as tackling the Income-Allianz deal when it was brought up during the hustings, and whether raising the goods and services tax was necessary in an inflationary environment, said Dr Koh.
Left largely unsaid in the Prime Minister’s call for Singaporeans to send all of the PAP’s ministers – as well as its cohort of 32 newcomers – to Parliament was that the election was about his leadership, and whether Singaporeans approved of the fourth-generation (4G) team’s succession.
On this, he capitalised on the goodwill he had generated as the face of the government task force that tackled the Covid-19 pandemic.
That was when PM Wong rose to national prominence, and Singaporeans came to be familiar with his style of communication and leadership – though he was not chosen to be leader of the 4G until 2022.
Singapore Management University law don Eugene Tan said: “The PAP kept to a disciplined campaign. They were not unduly defensive and also kept their focus on their key campaign messages.”
No knuckledusters
This election was also notable for how “gentlemanly” the PAP was in its campaign, noted Associate Professor Tan.
In the pre-2000s, the party at times used hardline tactics against opposition figures, including WP politicians Tang Liang Hong, J.B. Jeyaretnam and Francis Seow, said former PAP MP Inderjit Singh, who retired from politics in 2015.
These included public accusations about their character and beliefs, defamation suits, as well as legislative changes that appeared to target them.
During the 2025 hustings, the PAP did not bring up leaked text messages containing expletives that Mr Andre Low – the WP’s candidate in Jalan Kayu SMC – had sent to a group of friends.
There was also no direct mention by the ruling party about the saga surrounding former WP MP Raeesah Khan’s lying in Parliament, nor of WP chief Pritam Singh’s subsequent conviction for lying to a parliamentary committee in this matter.
It was different during the 2020 election campaign, after some of Ms Khan’s old social media posts surfaced and became the subject of police reports.
Even after a public apology by Ms Khan, the PAP had asked the WP to state its stand on her posts and questioned its choice to field her for election.
By keeping to a “clean” campaign and not reacting defensively to the opposition’s volleys, the ruling party came out ahead, said Prof Tan.
“It contested like a ruling party, with an overwhelming majority, rather than as a party under siege,” he said.
In doing so, it exuded “quiet confidence”, helped by the WP’s strategy against Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong, he added.
DPM Gan was the subject of WP’s criticism across its rallies – including over his move from Chua Chu Kang GRC to Punggol GRC on Nomination Day.
PM Wong responded by expressing disappointment at the WP’s attacks, and later said it had been “cavalier and irresponsible” to Singaporeans to downplay the potential loss of an experienced minister.
Mr Inderjit Singh said hardline tactics attacking one’s opponents are not workable in this new era, and that political parties here have to win the hearts and minds of voters to be victorious.
Dr Koh added: “In GE2025, it was a great relief that we did not see a return to the knuckleduster politics of the early decades of political history.”
Walking into prepared ground
The PAP’s success this round rested not just on its campaign strategy, but also on its decision to strengthen its groundwork following GE2020.
At the biennial PAP conferences in 2022 and 2024, both SM Lee and PM Wong drove home to the party faithful the need to look after residents and their communities, and to be attuned to their problems and how to improve their lives.
Before the first rally speech was uttered, the PAP had ensured it was going into battle well-prepared, where all policy and groundwork levers had been pulled for this objective.
In Budget 2025, for instance, PM Wong made sure to address the cost of living – one of the central policy issues of the election – while also announcing moves for large families and workers facing job insecurity.
Dr Koh said that by doing so, the PAP had set itself on “the best footing possible”, knowing that “this would be Mr Lawrence Wong’s first campaign and that such maiden elections are always risky”.
She highlighted data from market research company Blackbox that showed growing positive sentiment on core economic, social and political issues ahead of the election.
While concerns about these issues were not perfectly assuaged, the PAP could remind voters of its plans and policy track record, she added.
The PAP did this by stepping up its “ground game”, campaigning on a local level.
Mr Inderjit Singh said: “I think one of the most significant improvements by the PAP was the ground game not just during the nine days, but the last five years.
“Many incumbents developed goodwill, and this helped win voters.”
He said: “In places where incumbents had stepped down, they turned up to help new candidates campaign, and their goodwill definitely helped to woo voters.”
As the incumbent in most constituencies, PAP ministers also announced local town plans for better infrastructure and services.
This included, notably, Transport Minister Chee Hong Tat’s promise to fight for a hawker centre for his residents in Bishan.
The PAP’s presence and attention to the ground – its strength both as the incumbent as well as the dominant ruling party – came amid a return to physical campaigning, after a pause in 2020 due to the Covid-19 pandemic.
After that election, PM Wong – then a minister and member of the party’s central executive committee – had told activists that the party had not done so well in the digital arena, and not all of its content connected with netizens.
Prof Tan said that, this round, the party struck the right balance in working the online and physical ground.
“So it did matter that GE2025 was not primarily digital.”
In all, the PAP’s vote share shows it managed to win over many middle-ground voters.
Besides maintaining the support of its base – approximately 40 per cent of the electorate – it had to win over at least half of voters not tied to any party, or about 20 per cent to 25 per cent of the electorate, said Prof Tan.
That it managed to do so at this election reflects both the PAP’s performance legitimacy, and that it had campaigned fairly and in a gentlemanly manner, he added.
This electoral performance will give PM Wong confidence and a “free hand” in forming his Cabinet, said Mr Inderjit Singh.
He said: “It now remains for the PM and the 4G team to consolidate the confidence and trust of Singaporeans and work on improving the lives of Singaporeans in the next five years.”
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